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Last Articles - Golan for Development (GfD)
Jawlan.org >>  Syrian Golan Heights >> Golan for Development (GfD)
Golan for Development (GfD)
  31/01/2010
 Golan for Development (GfD)

 Brief History of the territory and the organization

 
 

Institutional Backgroun

Golan for Development (GfD) is a non-profit organization founded in 1991 in the occupied Golan Heights. GfD activities target the Arab population that remained in the Golan after its occupation by the Israeli forces in June 1967 war.


The major goals of GfD can be summarized as the following:

ē To build a self-reliant and democratic modern society in the Golan as a way of resisting the occupational policy.
ē To promote integrated and sustainable developmental institutions.
ē To encourage young leadership with Improved management capabilities, enthusiasm and experience to take an active role in steering these institutions.
The local community participates in the activities and programs of the organization on different levels. There are seven registered members of its board who form the core of the organization. They are responsible for maintaining all the affairs of the organization, handle all the foreign relations and contacts, set policies, make decisions of hiring and approve the operating budget and fund - raising plans. The board has regularly scheduled meetings. These members are experienced in public policy, research methods, developmental work and group organizing.

In addition there is a steering committee of three people who handle daily problems and quick issues, in addition to an observation committee of two people that supervise over all the projects and double checkup when it is needed. The board cooperates with a number of qualified and committed volunteers who are active in most of the programs. In addition, full and part time employees are hired according to the needs of projects. Finally, hundreds of supporters from our community provide occasional assistance upon demand to the organization.

The Occupied Syrian Golan Heights - facts and information
- Total area of the occupied part in 1967: 1250 square kilometers
- Total area of the freed part by Syria in 1974: 50 square kilometers
- Area of the land still under occupation: 1200 square kilometers
- Total population before the Israeli occupation: 130000 Syrians (including about 9000 Palestinian refugees)
- The remaining population after the occupation: 6396 Syrians
- Total Arab villages before the occupation: 137
- Total Arab towns before the occupation: 2 (Qunitra and Fiq)
- Total Arab farms before the occupation: 61
- The remaining villages after the Israeli occupation: 8 villages (two were given back in 1974 and one was destroyed later by Israel)
- The total Arab villages at the present time: 5
- The total Arab population at the present time: Estimated 20000 Syrians
- Israeli colonies at the present time: 33 (10 kibbutzim, 19 Moshavim, two regional community centers and one town)
- Number of settlers at the present time: Estimated 18000 (including families of army and settlers registered in the Golan and living inside Israel)
- Pasture land of the Golan: 500 square kilometers
- Agricultural area tilled by 18000 settlers: 80 Square kilometers
- Agricultural area tilled by 20000 indigenous people: 25 Square kilometers
- Natural reserve (used by settlers for tourism ): 246 Square kilometers
The Syrian Golan Heights under the Israeli Occupation
Visitors to the Golan Heights will see mostly empty area, an expanse of rolling grassland interlaced- if one looks closely- by crumbled stone fences. Occasionally, an Israeli settlement, new and well-tended, will appear at a crossroad.
But a visitor who looks more carefully will see other signs. A line of stone structures on a hilltop, without roofs or windows, a small cluster of stone walls in a grove of trees, or simply an area where the grass is suddenly, rhythmically hummocked.
These are destroyed Syrian Arab villages, where once nearly 130,000 people lived and farmed. They were blown up or razed by Israeli forces, after Israel took over the heights in the war of 1967. Their Arab inhabitants were forced out by the fighting or by orders from the Israeli army. Those who remained were forced by the occupational authorities to leave within the first week after the occupation. Most now live in Syria, separated from their homes and land by the fences and no-manís-land of the Syrian-Israeli cease -fire line, and by the enduring conflict.

Inside Israel, during the1948 war, hundreds of Palestinian villages were similarly demolished, but most are now difficult or impossible to see. In the Golan, far from Israelís urban centers along the coast, most of the old villages are still visible, in varying degrees of destruction and decay. They stand as monuments to history and to a society erased by invasion. One hundred and thirty-nine Arab villages flourished in the Golan Heights before Israelís invasion. Of these, 134 were systematically destroyed. The vast network of stone fences, which still carves the grassy landscape, marked their pastures, orchards and wheat fields.
The Golan Heights are located in the southwestern part of the Syrian Arab Republic. The region is 1,850 Square kilometers, and includes mountains reaching an altitude of 2,880 meters above sea level. The heights dominate the plains below. The Jordan River, Lake Tiberias and the Hula Valley border the region on the west. To the east is the Raqqad Valley and the south is Yarmok River and valley. The northern boundary of the region is the mountain Jabal as-Sheikh (Mount Hermon), one of the highest in the Middle East. It is a rich agricultural area, traditionally farmed by an Arab society encompassing 108 private farms and 163 villages and towns.

The 1967 War and the Israeli Occupation of the Golan
In six days of war, Israel accomplished the expansionist aims that pre-state diplomatic efforts and previous wars had failed to achieve. The war was a devastating blow to the Arab regimes. In its conquest of the West Bank from Jordan and the Gaza Strip from Egypt, the remainder of historic Palestine came under Israeli control. The Sinai Peninsula was occupied from Egypt. Syria suffered the loss of 1,250 square kilometers of the Golan Heights, including the provincial capital city of Quneitra.

Israel could not effect a mass expulsion of the Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, but it repeated expulsion tactics it had used against Palestinians in 1948 against the inhabitants of the Golan. Israeli Defense minister Moshe Dayan ordered his troops to expel the population of the Golan. As of June 10, 1967, only 6,396 of the pre-war population of 130,000 remained. After the war all that remained of the two cities, 139 villages and 61 farms were six villages (Majdal Shams, Masadah, Buqatha, Ain Qinya, Ghajar and Síheita). All of the others had been destroyed. In 1970 Síheita was also destroyed and its population were transferred to Masadah.


Israeli Ambition
Israeli interest in the Golan Heights dates to diligent Zionist efforts, in the 1910s, to have the rich agricultural area included in the new state of Palestine, where the Zionist movement hoped to establish the Jewish state. But Europeís division of the region in 1919 included the Golan as a part of Syria.
It was not until the Six-Day War in 1967 that Israel succeeded in seizing the Golan, and promptly began a settlement program to affirm its control, establishing the Marom Golan settlement one month after the warís end. By December 1967, the World Zionist Organization had designed a plan to establish 17-22 settlements, with 45,000-50,000 Jewish settlers, within ten years. Due to a lack of settlers, the plan fell short: by 1991, the settler population was only 11,000, in 30 settlements.
Under the Shamir government, Housing Minister Ariel Sharon announced plans to increase the population to 22,000 by the end of 1992, mostly by settling Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia. By spring 1992, the population had topped 13,000. Nowadays the total number of settlers is estimated to be 18000 in 34 settlements.
Jewish Settlement: The Annexation Strategy
As in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Israelís settlement program is an elaborate and effective strategy to annex land through social engineering. Israeli settlements in the Golan are designed to secure Israelís claim to the land both by boosting the Jewish civilian population and by erasing the indicting evidence of prior Arab habitation.


The Tactical Erasure
Israelís settlement strategy employs several techniques to veil its nature. The most effective is the placement of Jewish settlements directly over the site of the destroyed Arab villages, often using the stones of Arab homes to construct the new Jewish residences, physically overwhelming the foundation of the original village. The Arab village is erased to all but the best-trained eye, and a visitor would never know it existed.
A second technique is to name such settlements with the Hebrew version of the Arab name, which comes over time to suggest a continuity of the site and to obscure the destruction and displacement of the original Arab community. Many Israeli
maps show only the Hebrew names of such sites, although for the previous thousand or more years they held Arab towns.
A third device is to landscape new settlement construction with shrubbery and trees imported fully-grown from the Jordan Valley, to convey a sense both to residents and visitors that the settlement has been in place for a far longer period. Settlements can be visually transformed from raw construction sites to comfortable, verdant communities within a year.


Expulsion of a People
Before the 1967 war, the Golan Heights was administered as the Syrian province of Quneitra, which embraced 1750 square kilometers. In 1966, the Arab population of the province was 147613.
Israel occupied 70 percent (1250 square kilometer) of the Golan Heights in the 1967 war. The area, which Israel seized, contained 61 Arab farms and 139 villages and towns, which had held a population of 130000 Arabs (including 9000 Palestinians who had fled from northern Palestine in the war 1948). Many of these residents were evacuated by the Syrian army or fled during the fighting, but Arab accounts and UN reports also document an Israeli program to expel those who remained, one similar to that conducted in the West Bank: Terror attacks, threats of death, and forced signatures of documents agreeing to the residentsí own expulsion. The program was successful: an Israeli census after the war found only 6296 Arabs, indicating that approximately 124000 Syrian civilians were expelled.
Within three months, the Israeli army had bulldozed 131 of their villages, including the city of Quneitra, the provincial seat that had held a population of some 25000.
Only five Arab villages in the northern highlands by Mount Hermon remained. With a population of 6392 immediately after the 1967 war, the Arab villages today hold around 18000. The Arabs maintain control over only about 6 percent of the original territory: the rest has been confiscated by Israel for military use or settlement.
Israel extended its civil law and administration to the Golan Heights in 1981. However, the Syrian residents of the Golan have refused annexation, and insist on reunification with Syria. Their resistance has included extensive agricultural projects to secure their land from Israeli confiscation, and they continue to strive to develop their own basic services, like sufficient health care, to compensate for Israeli neglect.


Water: The Key to Israelís Hold?
With Israelís annual water consumption of nearly two billion cubic meters already depleting local resources, water is one of Israelís principal interests in the Golan Heights.
The Golanís territory itself provides one of the water sources for Israel; before the war, the total output of Syrian groundwater wells in the Golan was only about 12.5 million cubic meters (mcm). These days the settler output from the underground water is more than 30 mcm, in addition to more than 45 mcm that they get from artificial water reservoirs. However, the Golanís relatively high rainfall (averaging 1000 mcm annually) supplies two aquifers, one draining into Lake Tiberius, Israelís principal reservoir, and the other rising to form the headwaters of the vital Jordanís headwaters (about 500mcm) from Lake Tiberius south to irrigate settlements in the Negev desert, through a pipeline system known as the National Water Carrier.
This diversion has resulted in both the depletion and the salinization of the Jordan River below Lake Tiberius, with devastating effects on Jordanian agriculture in the Jordan Valley. Jordan has only partly compensated for this loss by diverting part of the Yarmuk River southward via a canal. Other Arab engineering efforts have been forestalled by Israelís strategic dominance over the Yarmuk, from the proximate bluffs of the Golan Heights.
Israelís occupation of the Golan also eliminated all Syrian access to Lake Tiberius. Prior to 1967, Israel asserted complete control over the lake, where Syrian Arabs had traditionally fished, by patrolling the northeastern shore of the lake with armored boats and launching occasional raids on nearby Syrian villages.
Israeli control of the Golan Heights therefore gives Israel strategic control over major water sources. Israel is unlikely to relinquish such control; peace negotiations may find the issue is one critical stumbling block.


Discriminatory Policies
Israel has taken several measures to limit the remaining Arabsí use of the Golanís water supply. The Water Law of 1959 made all water resources the property of the state, and all water use subject to government approval. The drilling of pools or artesian wells is forbidden. Rainwater collection tanks, built by the Syrian Arabs in the northern villages for irrigation, were metered and taxed, and further construction forbidden in 1986. Ram Pool, lying in the heart of Arab agricultural land near the village of Masíada and holding between two and three mcm annually, is closed to Arab use; its water is piped to Jewish settlements as much as 70 km away.
Israel cannot justify such policies on grounds of general conservation; as in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Jewish settler water consumption in the Golan Heights has been greatly higher than that allowed to the Golani Arab villagers: as much as 17 times higher per capita. Discriminatory policies also apply to the price of water. While a Jewish settler pays X perÖ., a Golan Arab pays X, roughly four times what the settlers pay in the same region.


The Political Power of Suffering
Israeli guides to the Golan Heights will say that the stone ruins which litter the countryside are old Syrian army emplacements, dating from the inter war period between 1948 and 1967. If they admit to the existence of the former Syrian residents, they will say they fled on orders from the Syrian army. They will not admit to knowing the numbers.
Israeli settlers will even claim that, prior to Israelís invasion in 1967, very few people lived in the Golan Heights. They will say that the land was basically empty and unused, and that the Jewish settlements are filling a void. Syriaís interest in the region, they claim, is purely hostile, a launching point for an attack on Israel, from the Heightís higher elevations overlooking the Galilee.
But the ruined villages bear mute testimony to Israelís interest in obscuring the truth. They are ruined because they were deliberately destroyed; they are empty because their residents are not allowed to return. The sprinkling of new Jewish settlements have no relation to the stone fences, the organic division of the land effected by centuries of Arab cultivation.
Syriaís interest in the Golan Heights is complex: military strategic concern is a factor, as is the political legitimacy of President Asad in resisting a permanent loss of Syrian territory. But that legitimacy rests not on pride, but on a fundamental issue: popular Syrian concern for the loss of a rich land, which sustained a thriving society. If the international community, absorbed by the complexities of the Palestinian problem, tends to forget the Golan Heights, or to imagine it an empty area or a purely strategic issue, this does not erase the memories of the 130000 who lost their homes, their farms and their livelihoods to Israeli bulldozers.
On what basis can they be asked to forget?
Too often, the forces of international diplomacy look over the heads of the people to solutions made of maps and missile agreements. If we have learned any lesson in the last half-century, it is that such oblivion has its bitter costs. Care must be taken with people whose pain and resentment form a smoldering political force in itself, simple compassion aside. Someday, even the political elites must come to redefine real-politic to include the experience of the people on the ground, whose needs have been defined as rights party because of the political power of their suffering.


The Hidden Killers s in the occupied Golan Heights
Since the occupation of the Golan Heights (Syrian land) in June 1967 by the Israeli forces, landmines were and remain one of the most difficult problems facing the remaining Arab population in the area. Civilians were killed or wounded, land was confiscated and houses were evacuated from their inhabitants for the sake of so-called ďsecurity of the Israeli armyĒ.
The Israeli authorities have planted landmines not only on the cease-fire line to protect its army, as they clam, but surrounding the civilian population and the agricultural land. The authority has systemically ignored any responsibility and refused to clean the land mines from the populated areas. However, it is not rare to find fenced off landmine areas near schools and or in the backyard of Arab residentsí homes. No precise information is available regarding the types of these mines or their exact location, and children become the main victims of these ďback yard minesĒ. An example of this is 4-year-old Amir Abu-Jabel, who was killed by a landmine in 1989 while playing less than ten meters away for his house.
Human rights organizations or the UN have taken almost no action and the issue is completely ignored. As occupied people we have the right to be protected under Geneva Convention and other international treaties. The applicability of the fourth Geneva convention to the Golan Heights is not questioned by the international community and has been reaffirmed by UN security council resolutions as well as other resolutions from the General assembly.
The occupational authorities have not only refused to implement these resolutions on the Arab population in the Golan, but failed to fulfill its obligation to protect them. These actions endanger the local civilians. Since June 1967, most of the hilltops in the Golan Heights, including those surrounding and inside the remaining Arab villages were controlled by the army and used as military bases. Some of these bases are located inside the civilian population, and surrounded by their houses (only a few meters distance separates them). During the wars, (for example in 1973), these camps have been used intensively against the Syrian army, while the nearby Arab residents provided a human shield to the Israeli military bases.
The Israeli army has planted antipersonnel mines around these bases. In most of these cases the mines are not properly marked or fenced and children can easily enter these fields. In addition, during the winter heavy rain causes erosion of the minefield on the hillside. The landmines move downhill to the backyards of the houses.
The Israeli army claims that the risk for the soldiers while clearing mines far outweighs the risk of injury to civilians. On the other hand, Israel provides mine clearance assistance to other countries.
During the summertime, when it gets hot (up to 40 degrees celcius) mines become very dangerous. It is not rare for fires to break out in dry grass, setting off the explosion of mines only metres away from houses.
A field research carried by Al-Haq (a Palestinian human rights NGO) shows that there have been 66 Arab Golani landmine victims since the beginning of the Occupation in 1967, of whom 16 died and 50 were injured. The data indicates that among the 50 victims who survived, 86% (43 victims) were under the age of 18. Eight of the 16 fatally wounded were under the age of 18.
Currently, there are no governmental or local programs or initiatives to teach school children in Golan, or the general public, about the dangers of mines. Furthermore, there is not a landmine policy in place should the Israeli withdrawal of the Golan occur in the future. Education in schools, lectures to community leaders and pamphlet distribution is a minimum that could be done for the Golani people. In addition, mine awareness, clearance, rehabilitation and compensation should be provided by Israel.


The National Charter of the Syrian citizens
in the Occupied Syrian Golan Heights
We, the Syrian citizens of the Occupied Golan Heights, feel the necessity to announce to official and popular bodies worldwide, the United Nations and its institutions, to the people of the world - and likewise to the people of Israel, in order to influence public opinion, clearly and honestly and for the sake of truth and history, our real position towards the Israeli occupation and the continuing perseverance by the Israeli government to eradicate our national identity and their attempts to annex the Occupied Golan Heights on the one hand and implement Israeli laws on the other.

We have been forced by various means to become part of the Israeli entity, merge into the Israeli identity and renounce our Arab - Syrian citizenship of which we are proud and would wish to have no other. We inherited our nationality from our noble ancestors from whom we descended and whose legacy includes our sole national language - Arabic, which we speak with pride and honor. We received from them our beloved lands, passed on by our forefathers when Arabs stetted in this country thousands of years ago. Our mountainous lands have been saturated with the sweat and blood of our families and ancestors; throughout history they did not stop at any time from protecting it and liberating it from all aggressors and occupation. These lands are dear to our hearts. We swear to be sincere and faithful all of our lives to our inheritance and never to relinquish any part of it whatever the pressures imposed on us from the occupation authorities to coerce or persuade us to renounce our citizenship, even though this will cost us dearly.
This is a stance common to every people, all of part facing occupation, and is derived from feelings of historical responsibility which we carry on our shoulders for ourselves, our sons and their sons.

For more information and cooperation, contact:
Dr. Taiseer Maray
Golan For Development, Golan-Media and publication
Majdal Shams 12438, P.O.Box 1203, Golan Heights, via Israel
Tel: 972 (0)4 6982825 Fax: 972 (0) 4 6870549
Mobile: 972 (0) 50 8316174
e-mail: taiser@jawlan.org